Senegal’s political funds debate: from Diouf to Sonko

The controversy surrounding political funds has ignited fierce debates across Senegal’s political landscape in recent days. Television studios, Facebook, and social media platforms are abuzz with exchanges between political leaders, former ministers, and parliamentarians over a question that has gained explosive momentum. At its core lies a fundamental inquiry: who, before Ousmane Sonko, had access to these discretionary envelopes allocated to the Prime Minister’s office, and how were they utilized?

This debate has erupted in a particularly charged environment, as the National Assembly convenes in an extraordinary session since August 10 under Sonko’s presidency. The session is reviewing a bill aimed at regulating special credits and secret funds, alongside proposals on asset declarations, labor laws, and the creation of six parliamentary investigative commissions.

The spark ignited by Aly Ngouille Ndiaye

Aly Ngouille Ndiaye, former Interior Minister, catalyzed the discussion during an appearance on SenTV. Known for his outspoken nature, he categorically claimed that Ousmane Sonko was the first Senegalese Prime Minister to receive dedicated political funds: « In reality, he was the first head of government to have access to these funds. I was never Prime Minister, but some former Prime Ministers who are still alive can attest that only Boun Abdallah Dionne—who has since passed away—did not receive such funds. This system began with Sonko. Amadou Ba did not have access, as he was replaced by Sidiki Kaba, who did not serve long enough to benefit.»

Ngouille Ndiaye also questioned the frequently cited figure of 1.7 billion CFA francs Sonko mentioned, highlighting uncertainties about its periodicity: « Some say it’s per quarter, others per year. If annual, Sonko would have received around 8 billion. But I know the initial 1.7 billion CFA francs were exhausted. If it were annual and exhausted within a quarter, that’s extremely rapid.» He echoed earlier revelations by Petroleum and Energy Minister Abdourahmane Diouf, asserting that this first allocation was entirely spent before Sonko requested a budget extension—a fact he presents as evidence that his successor found nothing available. For Ngouille Ndiaye, this situation demands explanations: « In the investigative commissions, he should have included his own case for transparency. There are even things I know but cannot disclose here.»

Former Prime Ministers push back against the narrative

Ngouille Ndiaye’s statements triggered a wave of backlash on social media, where archival videos surfaced to directly contradict his claims. The most striking testimony came from Souleymane Ndéné Ndiaye, Wade’s last Prime Minister, who declared on the « Faram Facce » show in April 2025: « Even when I was Director of the President’s Cabinet, I already had political funds. Every month-end, I received my political funds.» This revelation places the existence of these funds well before Ndéné Ndiaye’s tenure as Prime Minister, dating back to his role as presidential chief of staff—an observation that, according to many analysts, invalidates Ngouille Ndiaye’s claim that Sonko initiated the system.

Additional testimonies attributed to former Prime Ministers Macky Sall and Idrissa Seck, who served under President Wade, further fueled the debate. Social media users also recalled a memorable incident where Wade reportedly used his own presidential political funds to « assist » his Prime Minister with certain expenses.

The Pastef camp dismisses claims as « baseless accusations »

The government-aligned camp responded through Elimane Pouye, CEO of the Société de Gestion et d’Exploitation du Patrimoine bâti (SOGEPA SN), who dismissed the claims as « baseless accusations.» He urged comparisons of the Prime Minister’s office budgets for 2023, 2024, and 2025, arguing that variations were primarily due to institutional changes between governments rather than new allocations. For Pouye, the legitimate question is not whether such funds existed before Sonko, but how predecessors used them. The debate, he insists, should focus on the democratic and contradictory use of public funds rather than sterile controversies over amounts and their frequency.

Pastef-affiliated voices also emphasized that the party had been denouncing the lack of oversight on these funds since 2014 and included their reform in its 2019 electoral manifesto—long before Sonko became Prime Minister in 2024. This underscores that the practice was neither new nor unique to the current administration.

Uncovering the historical reality of these funds

To move beyond the current controversy, parliamentary records reveal that these discretionary envelopes have grown substantially over successive regimes: approximately 650 million CFA francs under Abdou Diouf’s presidency, rising to nearly 8 billion under Wade. A 2008-2012 report by the General Inspectorate of State (IGE) disclosed that 108 billion CFA francs in political funds were spent during this period, with 48 billion lacking any accounting justification—leaving a long-standing mark on Senegal’s public accountability archives.

Recent history also provides a documented example: the National Local Development Program (PNDL), a 100 billion CFA franc fund managed by the Prime Minister’s office, was central to an investigation into Idrissa Seck after his departure from Wade’s government in 2004. Investigators scrutinized his management of the program and two of his real estate properties in Saly and Atlanta, linked to allegations of illicit enrichment. This episode underscores how the issue of controlling the Prime Minister’s discretionary resources is far from novel.

Calls for legal oversight intensify

Several deputies are championing transparency at the legislative level. Guy Marius Sagna, a majority party deputy, revealed submitting a bill in September 2025 to create a « Verification Commission for Political Funds » to the Pastef parliamentary group and Sonko himself, then party leader. According to Sagna, Sonko requested patience, preferring the reform be government-led rather than parliamentary: « President Sonko asked me to wait while he discussed the matter with relevant parties, » he posted on Facebook, adding that Sonko later amended his proposal « productively » to tighten oversight. Sagna has since submitted four legislative proposals, one of which establishes a commission to audit the use of political funds.

Thierno Alassane Sall, a deputy and former Energy Minister known for his 2017 resignation over transparency issues, bluntly labeled these funds « theft, » deploring their lack of parliamentary authorization: « The Prime Minister came here to discuss political funds on May 22, but this isn’t his responsibility to address, » he declared in the National Assembly. However, he distinguished these contested envelopes from formally approved presidential intelligence budgets, which he argued should not be conflated with the current controversy.

Not all voices align, however. El Hadj Momar Samb, Secretary-General of the RTA-S, condemned what he called the parliamentary majority’s « opportunism, » noting that many of its current members held high state positions in recent years without advocating for oversight of special funds. While supporting transparency, he advocated for broader parliamentary scrutiny, including the management of the National Water and Sanitation Office (ONAS), oil revenue traceability, Matam region funds, and compensation for victims of political crises.

Official stance favors regulation over abolition

Addressing the issue in May, President Bassirou Diomaye Faye justified retaining these funds, citing their roles in intelligence and social solidarity, and warning that their outright elimination could create a void in addressing urgent social needs. Ousmane Sonko, for his part, ruled out abolishing the funds while supporting their regulation, citing the 1.77 billion CFA francs allocated to the Prime Minister’s office in his May 22, 2026, address to the Assembly.

This context frames the extraordinary session convened on August 10, 2026, which includes urgent consideration of a bill to regulate special credits and secret funds, alongside a constitutional amendment on presidential asset declarations. Far from resolved, the debate highlights the persistent tension between an entrenched institutional practice—documented across successive regimes from Abdou Diouf to the present—and the transparency and accountability demands championed by the new authorities since their 2024 ascent to power.